| Home | News| Living in China| MMS | SMS | About us | Contact us|
   
 Language Tips > 2003
Updated: 2003-03-19 01:00

Bush's Final War Warning to Saddam (2003/03/19)

布什白宮講話,限薩達姆48小時內離開伊拉克(2003/03/19)

My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all of its weapons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War in 1991.

Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have passed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Council. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarmament of Iraq.

Our good faith has not been returned. The Iraqi regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage.

It has uniformly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament.

Over the years, U.N. weapons inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi officials, electronically bugged and systematically deceived. Peaceful efforts to disarm the Iraq regime have failed again and again because we are not dealing with peaceful men.

Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of mass destruction against Iraq's neighbors and against Iraq's people.

The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It has a deep hatred of America and our friends and it has aided, trained and harbored terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.

The danger is clear: Using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill their stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people in our country or any other.

The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite this threat, but we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety.

Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed.

The United States of America has the sovereign authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That duty falls to me as commander of chief by the oath I have sworn, by the oath I will keep.

Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress voted overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq.

America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat because we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mission of the United Nations.

One reason the U.N. was founded after the Second World War was to confront aggressive dictators actively and early, before they can attack the innocent and destroy the peace.

In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act in the early 1990s. Under Resolutions 678 and 687, both still in effect, the United States and our allies are authorized to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destruction.

Yet some permanent members of the Security Council have publicly announced that they will veto any resolution that compels the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of the danger, but not our resolve to meet it.

Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act against this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enforce the just demands of the world.

The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.

In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing their part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the dictator to leave Iraq so that disarmament can proceed peacefully.

He has thus far refused.

All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to do so will result in military conflict commenced at a time of our choosing.

For their own safety, all foreign nationals, including journalists and inspectors, should leave Iraq immediately.

Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have a message for them: If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you.

As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver the food and medicine you need.

We will tear down the apparatus of terror and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free.

In free Iraq there will be no more wars of aggression against your neighbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no more torture chambers and rape rooms.

The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near.

It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too late for the Iraq military to act with honor and protect your country, by permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clear instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attack and destroyed.

I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services: If war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your own life.

And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully to this warning: In any conflict, your fate will depend on your actions. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosecuted, war criminals will be punished and it will be no defense to say, "I was just following orders."

Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can know that every measure has been taken to avoid war and every measure will be taken to win it.

Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty except the certainty of sacrifice.

Yet the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply the full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so.

If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly foe until the end.

In desperation, he and terrorist groups might try to conduct terrorist operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks are not inevitable. They are, however, possible.

And this very fact underscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. The terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the moment that Saddam Hussein is disarmed.

Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as we are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actions to protect our homeland.

In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country certain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services.

Among other measures, I have directed additional security at our airports and increased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports. The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation's governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across America.

Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift our attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they would fail.

No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolve of this country. We are a peaceful people, yet we are not a fragile people. And we will not be intimidated by thugs and killers.

If our enemies dare to strike us, they and all who have aided them will face fearful consequences.

We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater. In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all free nations would be multiplied many times over.

With these capabilities, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threat now where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities.

The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognize new and undeniable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous dictators whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war.

In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth. Terrorists and terrorist states do not reveal these threats with fair notice in formal declarations.

And responding to such enemies only after they have struck first is not self defense. It is suicide. The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now.

As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honor the deepest commitments of our country.

Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and capable of human liberty, and when the dictator has departed, they can set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self governing nation.

The United States with other countries will work to advance liberty and peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land, and the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace. That is the future we choose.

Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the violent, and tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies accept that responsibility.

Good night, and may God continue to bless America.

(Agencies)

同胞們,伊拉克的事件現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)到了做出最后決定的時刻。十多年來,美國和其它國家一直在付出耐心的、卓越的努力,以便不通過戰(zhàn)爭解除伊拉克政權武裝。作為1991年海灣戰(zhàn)爭結束的一個條件,伊拉克曾許諾公布并銷毀所有的大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。

自此之后,世界已經(jīng)進行了12年的外交努力。我們在聯(lián)合國安理會已經(jīng)通過了十多項決議。我們已經(jīng)派出數(shù)以百計的武器核查人員監(jiān)督伊拉克解除武裝。

我們的良好信念沒有得到回報。伊拉克政權一直利用外交作為爭取時間和優(yōu)勢的策略。

伊拉克總是蔑視安理會要求其解除武裝的決議。

數(shù)年來,伊拉克官員一直威脅聯(lián)合國武器核查人員,要么通過電子設備進行阻撓,要么系統(tǒng)化地進行欺騙。和平解除伊拉克政權武裝的努力已接二連三遭遇失敗,因為與我們打交道的不是一個愛好和平的人。

本屆以及歷屆美國政府搜集的情報充分證明,伊拉克政權仍在擁有和隱藏人類所發(fā)明的最致命的一些武器。這個政權曾經(jīng)使用大規(guī)模殺傷性武器對付伊拉克的鄰國和伊拉克人民。

伊拉克政權歷史上曾經(jīng)對中東地區(qū)多次發(fā)動了莫名其妙的侵略,對美國和我們的盟國有著深厚的仇恨,曾經(jīng)資助、訓練和庇護恐怖分子,包括"基地"組織成員。

危險已經(jīng)非常明顯:恐怖分子將在伊拉克的幫助下使用化學、生物或者有一天將會是核武器,實現(xiàn)他們既定的野心和殺害我們國家以及他國數(shù)以萬計的無辜民眾。

美國和其它國家盡管什么也沒有做,卻招致這樣的威脅;不過我們將采取一切措施將他們擊敗。我們將建設一條通向安全的大道,而不是滑向悲劇的深淵。

在恐怖之日來臨之前,在還有時間采取行動之前,這個威脅將被清除。

美利堅合眾國完全有權利使用武力確保我們國家的安全。這個任務落到了我這個總司令肩上,我曾經(jīng)為此發(fā)誓,我也準備繼續(xù)履行我的誓言。

美國國會,認識到我們國家面臨的威脅,在去年以絕對多數(shù)票決定支持用武力對付伊拉克。

美國曾努力同聯(lián)合國一道去應付這個威脅,那是因為我們愿意和平的解決這個問題。我們相信聯(lián)合國的使命。

在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)后宣告成立的聯(lián)合國的一個原因,就是盡早并且積極地遏制那些侵略成性的獨裁者,在他們向無辜者發(fā)起攻擊和破壞和平之前阻止他們。

在伊拉克問題上,安理會在上個世紀90年代曾經(jīng)發(fā)揮過作用。在678和687號兩個現(xiàn)在仍然有效的決議指導下,美國和其盟國得到授權使用武力去清除伊拉克的大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。

但還有一些政府公開表示將在安理會上行使否決權來否定任何促使伊拉克解除武裝的決議。這些政府如同我們一樣,能夠認識到威脅的所在;但是他們沒能和我們一起,用實際行動對付威脅。

然而,還有許多國家有這份決心和堅毅,向和平的威脅發(fā)出挑戰(zhàn),并且正在結成廣泛的聯(lián)盟,準備去迎接這個世界對他們的召喚。

聯(lián)合國安理會沒有履行自己的責任,所以,我們必須站起來,去履行我們的責任。

在最近幾天,中東的一些政府也在履行他們的職責。他們通過公開或者私下的渠道傳遞信息,要求這個獨裁者離開伊拉克,從而和平地解決伊拉克的武裝。

可是,他一直拒絕這么做!

幾十年的欺騙和暴行現(xiàn)在該結束了!薩達姆和他的兒子必須在48小時內離開伊拉克。若他們繼續(xù)拒絕這樣做將招致軍事打擊,打擊何時開始將由我們選擇。

所有外國公民,包括記者和核查員,為了他們自己的安全起見,應該立即離開伊拉克。

今晚,許多伊拉克人都能通過廣播聽到我演講的譯文,我要向他們傳遞這樣一個信息:如果必須展開軍事行動,行動的目標是無法無天的人們,而不是你們。

當我們的聯(lián)軍剝奪了他們的權力之后,我們將向你們提供你們所需要的藥品和食品。

我們將徹底摧毀恐怖機器,我們將幫助你們建設一個繁榮自由的新伊拉克。

在一個自由的伊拉克,將不再會有對你們鄰國的侵略戰(zhàn)爭,不再有毒藥工廠,不再有對不同政見者的殺害,不再有酷刑室和強奸之所。

獨裁者即將消失,解放你們的日子不遠了。

現(xiàn)在,薩達姆·侯賽因想再賴在臺上已經(jīng)為時已晚。但是,對伊拉克軍隊來說,采取行動保護你們國家還為時不晚--允許聯(lián)軍平靜地進入伊拉克來銷毀大規(guī)模殺傷性武器。我們的軍隊將給伊拉克軍事部門清晰明了的指令,告訴他們如何行動才能避免被攻擊和摧毀的命運。

我要求伊拉克軍隊和情報機構的每一名成員:當戰(zhàn)爭來臨時,不要為一個行將死亡的政權賣命,那是不值得的。

同時,伊拉克所有的軍事人員和平民都應該認真聽聽這一警告:在任何沖突中,你的行動將決定你的命運。不要燒毀油井,這是屬于伊拉克人民的財富。不要對任何人使用大規(guī)模殺傷性武器,包括伊拉克人民。戰(zhàn)爭罪將受到追究,戰(zhàn)犯將受到懲罰,到那時,"我只是服從命令"將不能成為借口或免受懲罰的理由。

如果薩達姆·侯賽因選擇對抗,美國人民應該知道,我們已經(jīng)采取所有手段避免戰(zhàn)爭,也會采取任何手段打贏戰(zhàn)爭。

美國人明白沖突的代價,因為我們曾經(jīng)付出過。可以肯定的一點是,戰(zhàn)爭是必須付出犧牲的。

但減少戰(zhàn)爭的危害和戰(zhàn)爭時間的唯一途徑是動用我軍的全部力量,我們已經(jīng)做好準備。

如果薩達姆·侯賽因不愿放棄權利,他就永遠是我們的死敵,直到他的末日來臨。

他和恐怖主義團體可能不顧一切地試圖針對美國人民和我們的朋友發(fā)動恐怖主義襲擊。這些襲擊不是不可避免的,但它們是可能發(fā)生的。

而這一事實進一步強調了我們不能在訛詐的威脅下生活。從薩達姆·侯賽因被解除武裝的那一刻起,美國和世界面臨的恐怖主義威脅將會減輕。

我們的政府正對這些威脅進行更高級別的警戒。正如我們?yōu)楸WC在伊拉克獲勝而正在作準備,我們正在采取進一步措施保衛(wèi)我們的祖國。

最近幾天來,美國當局已經(jīng)將與伊拉克情報部門有牽連的一些人驅逐出境。

在其它措施方面,我已經(jīng)下令在機場加強安全,在主要港口增強海岸警衛(wèi)隊巡邏。國土安全部正在與各州長加強合作,以確保全國境內關鍵設施的安全。

一旦敵人襲擊我們的國家,他們將試圖利用恐慌來轉移我們的視線,利用恐懼挫傷我們的士氣。他們這樣做注定要失敗。

他們的任何行動都不會改變或者動搖我們國家的意志。我們是愛好和平的人民,但我們不是軟弱無力的人民。暴徒和兇手嚇不倒我們。

如果我們的敵人膽敢襲擊我們,他們以及所有支持過他們的人都將遭受可怕的后果。

我們現(xiàn)在之所以采取行動是因為不行動的危險會更大。在1年或者5年的時間內,伊拉克傷害所有自由國家的能力將有數(shù)倍的提高。

擁有這些能力之后,薩達姆·侯賽因和他的恐怖盟友將在他們最強大的時候制造最致命的襲擊。在這種危險突然出現(xiàn)在我們的空中和城市之前,在它初露端倪的時候,我們將應對這種威脅。

和平事業(yè)需要所有的自由國家認清這一新的不容置疑的現(xiàn)實。在20世紀,有些人選擇對無情的獨裁者實施綏靖政策,讓他們的威脅日益增長而發(fā)展成為種族清洗和全球戰(zhàn)爭。

在這個世紀,當邪惡的人策劃化學、生物和核恐怖襲擊時,再采取"綏靖政策"將導致這個地球發(fā)生史無前例的大破壞。 恐怖分子和恐怖主義國家是不會用正式聲明的方式透露這些威脅的。

因此,在他們發(fā)動攻擊后再對這些敵人采取行動不是自衛(wèi)的方式,這等于自殺。為了世界的安全,現(xiàn)在必須解除薩達姆·侯賽因的武裝。

在我們滿足世界的正義要求之時,我們也將履行我國莊嚴的承諾。

不像薩達姆·侯賽因那樣,我們相信伊拉克人民有權利也有能力享受人類的自由,在這個獨裁者離開后,他們就可以在整個中東地區(qū)建立一個重要、和平、自治國家的典范。

美國將和其他國家一道,在這一地區(qū)推進自由和和平。我們的目標不可能在一夜之間實現(xiàn),它需要時間。人類自由的力量和對它的渴望體現(xiàn)在每個人身上,體現(xiàn)在每個國家,自由的偉大力量將會化解仇恨和暴力,讓每個人都全身心地追求和平。那就是我們的選擇。

自由的國家都有義務聯(lián)合起來同暴力斗爭,保衛(wèi)我們的人民。今晚,正像我們先前所做的那樣,美國和我們的盟友愿意承擔起這份責任。

晚安,愿上帝繼續(xù)保佑美國。

(中國日報網(wǎng)站翻譯)

 
Go to Other Sections
Related Stories
· Beer flows from house taps in Norway
水龍頭里出啤酒 挪威婦女感覺"身在天堂"
· Woman sells ad rights to pregnancy on eBay
拿人體打廣告 孕婦肚子拍賣廣告權
· Clocks in UK's armory against problem gambling
英國放開賭博業(yè) 時鐘被"邀"防賭癮
more
 
Copyright by chinadaily.com.cn. All rights reserved

版權聲明:未經(jīng)中國日報網(wǎng)站許可,任何人不得復制本欄目內容。如需轉載請與本網(wǎng)站聯(lián)系。
None of this material may be used for any commercial or public use. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is prohibited.
 

 

精品无码久久久久久尤物,99视频这有这里有精品,国产UU精品无码视频,女同精品一区二区网站